It’s notable to me that Democrats seem really keen on having another health care debate. They’re preparing for it by putting all these different options on the table, to sort through where a consensus might exist.And the "options" really boil down to a Hobson's choice: how do you want your government-controlled health care delivered? All from the government right now (single-payer, a consistent loser at the polls)? Pretending that single-payer isn't the endgame right away (Medicare/Medicaid buy-in, i.e. the public option)? However you cut it, the belief in magical government intervention as an elixir is central to all of them. None of these will fix the physician shortage, nor will it fix the patent system, nor the regulatory moats around pharmaceuticals. Kliff doesn't concern herself with those kinds of details; her job is that of cheerleader. We know this because the second half of her article goes on to explain the wonders of the Murphy-Merkley plan, during which she writes the following:
The Choose Medicare Act envisions that individuals and companies would cover their costs for buying into Medicare, meaning actuaries would need to determine what those premiums would look like. There is some reason to expect these premiums would be lower than premiums for private insurance, because Medicare typically pays lower prices.There are a lot of things to say about that, not least the shifting terrain that a large influx of new "insureds" would look like; recall that the Obamacare cohort was sicker than the general population, i.e. the incentives are for such people to seek out such care. There's hardly a reason to think a "public option" would save material costs, and considerable reasons to think it would do worse (i.e. the Democrats would be sure to goose the actuarial realities by way of further subsidies).
Another problem is the quip sometimes attributed to Stalin, that quantity has a quality all its own. Kliff is right that private payers pay more for their services than Medicare. But assuming Medicare expansion will fix costs also assumes that physicians will continue to accept Medicare patients. While data is hard to come by, Texas Medical Association figures showed a dramatic drop in the acceptance of new Medicare patients from 2000 (when 67% of physicians accepted all comers) to 2010 (only 31%). Moreover, given that Medicare represents a relatively small fraction of physician income (as of 2011, around 40% in Texas, see PDF page 5), expanding it would demand physicians take a substantial pay cut. That they might opt out of accepting new patients or stop seeing Medicare patients altogether. Second-order effects: we can haz them!
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